Michael Goodwin: The death of Ayatollah Khamenei instantly makes the world a better place

In early January, President Trump warned Iran’s Islamist government that if it killed peaceful civilians protesting the economy’s collapse, “the United States of America will come to their rescue.” 

In a post on Truth Social, he declared, “We are locked and loaded and ready to go.” 

Days later, when it became clear authorities and their henchmen were slaughtering thousands of unarmed protestors, Trump delivered another warning– — and a promise. 

After urging “Iranian Patriots” to keep protesting and “save the names of the killers and abusers, he said, “They will pay a big price” and added ominously: 

“Help is on its way.” 

That help arrived Saturday in the form of the massive, joint American-Israeli attack that smashed Iran’s military capabilities and decapitated its merciless leadership. 

Promises kept 

The death of Ayatollah Khamenei instantly makes Iran and the entire Middle East a better, safer place. 

Given recent events and numerous White House hints, only the timing and the incredibly broad scope of the military operation were a surprise.

The president had made it abundantly clear to anyone who cared to listen that the status quo was unacceptable and that he was prepared to act with overwhelming force. 

Either Iranian leaders would change their demonic ways, or the US and Israel would do it for them. 

Promises made, promises kept. 

Holding near absolute power for almost 50 years since the Islamist revolution toppled the Shah, the cult-like regime’s repression at home and use of murderous proxy groups abroad were anachronisms in a region that was modernizing its cultures and economies. 

The Abraham Accords, fashioned during Trump’s first term, reflected a broad desire for peace and progress among both Jews and Muslims.

Revealing their depravity, Iran and its murderous agents vowed to stop the march toward a prosperous peace. 

The messianic Ayatollah saw the accords as a threat, and refused to cede an inch of his suffocating power or curb his appetite for dominance. 

His flaw–— which proved to be fatal — was his belief that Iran and its bloodthirsty groups were destined to conquer both Israel, the little Satan, and America, the great Satan. 

June strikes a test run 

He and his predecessor got away with their evil deeds through a series of pliable American presidents and Israeli prime ministers.

That game has come to its crashing final act only because Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu shared a resolve to end the totalitarian nightmare. 

In the process, they have liberated 90 million Iranians. 

A test run of their historic alliance took place last June, when America’s Air Force used bunker-buster bombs flown from Nebraska to obliterate Iran’s three major nuclear facilities while the Jewish state smashed the regime’s arsenal of missile and rocket defenses. 

It was, as they say, a teachable moment, but the mullahs refused to listen and learn.

Even afterwards, Trump gave the Ayatollah and his nutjob team plenty of opportunities to choose peace. 

He invited them to a new round of negotiations, and sent top envoy Steve Witkoff, and Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law, to meetings in Europe and the Middle East that sought a voluntary dismantling of the nukeclear project. 

All along, Trump insisted that this was Iran’s last best chance for a peaceful transition.

But the mullahs could never get to yes. 

Having seduced previous presidents and European leaders into endless negotiations that always fell far short of an acceptable agreement, they saw no compelling reason to change now. 

The Ayatollah and his team clearly believed Trump, like his predecessors, would eventually settle for modest terms that the Iranians had no intention of ever adhering to. 

As an insurance policy, they authorized what appears to be multiple contracts for killing Trump. 

In January, as negotiations continued over a nuclear agreement, Iran taunted the president by broadcasting a photo of him after he was wounded in an attempted assassination in 2024 at a Pennsylvania campaign rally. 

On the screen appeared the words, “This time it will not miss the target.” 

The menacing message was circulated in government media reports and on state television. 

This is gangsterism, not a legitimate government, and the taunt reflected a grave misjudgement that has now cost the ayatollah his life and the regime its existence. 

The refusal of Iran’s overlords to abandon the quest for regional dominance amounted to an act of madness bordering on suicide. 

As the regime’s death wish was being granted, it launched last gasp attacks on six Arab states, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Oman and Qatar, all of which host American troops or bases. 

Buildup was no secret 

The attacks sealed Iran’s complete isolation even among fellow Muslim rulers. 

It would not be accurate to say that Trump stumbled into this moment without a plan.

Rather, in his first term he proved to himself and the world that Iran’s pattern of terror and asymmetrical warfare could be defeated with planning and bold action. 

By droning Qasem Soleimani, Iran’s death merchant general who had contributed to the deaths and maiming of many US troops in Iraq, Trump showed there was a new sheriff in town. 

Unfortunately, Joe Biden returned to Barack Obama’s misguided plan of trying to bribe and sweetalk the Iranians into the international community. 

When that predictably flopped, Trump took office determined to finish the job he had started. 

I doubt he had any faith negotiations would succeed, but even the harshest critic cannot deny that he gave them every possible chance. 

Only when it was clear the talks were going nowhere did he order a massive military buildup in the region, including an armada.

Patriot batteries were delivered to our military bases in Iraq to provide defense against missiles and drones. 

Chief among the buildup of firepower was the president’s decision to add a second carrier group.

With the USS Abraham Lincoln already there, he sent the USS Gerald R. Ford, the world’s largest and most advanced aircraft carrier. 

Asked by a reporter two weeks ago why, Trump answered, “In case we don’t make a deal, we’ll need” more firepower. 

The same day, the president for the first time welcomed the idea of regime change. 

“Well, it seems like that would be the best thing that could happen,” he said.

“For 47 years, they’ve been talking and talking and talking.” 

Meanwhile, Iran’s refusal to make significant concessions, combined with the president’s military moves, conveyed a sense that it was only a matter of when, not if, he would give the order to attack. 

But as late as last Thursday, Witkoff and Kushner met with Iranian officials in Geneva, where a six-hour session produced only an agreement to have more meetings. 

“We’re not thrilled with the way they’re negotiating,” Trump said afterwards. 

“I’m not happy that they’re not willing to give us what we have to have,” he added, meaning a pledge to abandon the nuke quest. 

“It’d be wonderful if they negotiate, really, in good conscience, good faith,” he said.

“They are not getting there so far.” 

They had their chances.